Your electoral fight in 2004 was very uphill. How did you have the courage to come back again and fight this election?
Actually, it was not very uphill in 2004. That was just a very small experiment.
We were just sitting together and talking. Everybody talks about the same subject, every evening -- the corruption, the mismanagement of funds, just the horrible state of governance in this country.
So we just said: Alright, let's fight the elections. A group of us -- ten or 12 friends. No planning, nothing. In fact, the next morning we met and said that was a stupid idea, let's forget it.
And then (laughs) everybody met again in the evening and said: No it wasn't. Let's do it. So it started like that.
And we didn't have anything -- no resources, stationery, typewriters, workers, volunteers. We just went into this battle and two or three messages came through very strongly, in spite of no planning or preparation and in spite of the mistakes we made.
What kind of mistakes? And what were the signals?
We didn't do our homework.
I spent all my energy on the road and in the slums, talking about corruption and stuff like that. Actually, the slum dweller is really not bothered about ethics and governance. He is worried about where his next meal will come from, worried about getting living space, water and toilets and basic amenities. And I spent a lot of time talking about corruption to them which obviously made no sense.
I was a bit complex because I didn't want people to feel that I had retired from the IAS, which was supposed to an elite service, and I am sitting at home and watching TV and saying I am fighting an election. (And they would wonder) is he going to come out on the streets? This thought bothered me and I spent all my time on the street.
And I ignored our main vote banks -- if you want call it that -- the middle class that doesn't vote because these are the people who are not aligned to any party. They are not committed voters for the Congress or BJP and they don't vote because they don't find a good candidate or some reason like that.
So if you get across to them and they get the message you are bound to get a response from them. This was one of the signals we got last time. Because when the campaign started entering a more serious phase, we were getting an amazing response. There were 25, 30 phone calls coming in every day, saying tell Bhatia to come to our (housing) society and talk to us and I couldn't do it because there was just no time.
The signal came across that these people who we think are sleeping they are not really asleep. They can be woken up. They can be shaken up.
So you knew then -- in 2004 -- that you were going to try again?
It did come to our mind. But that time we were stupid. We were sure of winning! So we didn't think much about losing. It was an amateur attempt, but we thought we were doing a very good job (laughs) and that we are going to win the elections.
You were not in touch with reality? How is it different now?
Yes, because an election has to do with caste, it has to do with money, it has to do with resources to advertise...
The other day women came into our office they had already collected saris and Rs 2,000 per head! In India it is an offence -- the bribe giver and the bribe taker they are both guilty and it will never come out in the open.
All this nonsense we talk about reforming the electoral process it's all bullshit: That we don't scribble on the walls and we don't disturb the neighbourhoods by giving speeches after 10 o'clock... this is minor stuff!
The real hard core truth of fighting elections has to do with money and muscle. No, it's not that bad all over the world. In America, women and old men in wheelchairs come out in the street with a political message. You will not find the middle class or their children coming out here.
Yes, okay they will say: Plant more trees. Or: Keep Pune clean. But they won't say vote for so and so. They are scared they will get beaten up by the goons and couple of shop windows will be broken and the cops will pick them up.
We are trying to break that tradition and ask people from the middle classes to allow their children to walk on the streets with a political message.
Our pamphlets are being stopped because this one newspaper -- Sakal (A Marathi language newspaper), which is owned by a relation of Sharad Pawar -- is so powerful. When we were distributing our leaflets this paper stopped it. They stopped taking leaflets in their paper. So one newspaper can stop my entire campaigning!
Fortunately, the message had gone through by the time they started coming out against us and blocking us. We had already pushed more than 30 to 33 lakhs leaflets. They had already gone. Because these guys were sleeping. They did not know what was happening.
Photograph: Sanjay Sawant
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